When Crisis Becomes Permanent: Haiti and Temporary Protective Status

In July 2021, in an attempt to replace the Haitian presidency with someone of their picking, Arcangel Pretel Ortiz, Antonio Intriago, Walter Veintemilla and James Solages entered President Jovenel Moïse’s home and assassinated him. The killing deepened an already unstable political situation and fueled gang violence, especially in the capital, Port-au-Prince. Violence forced many Haitians to emigrate into the United States. Meanwhile, Haitians visiting the United States lost any safe route home. In the Immigration Act of 1990, Congress designed Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for migrants whose home country is facing dangerous circumstances. TPS shields foreign nationals whose countries suffer armed conflict, natural disaster, or other extraordinary conditions that prevent a safe return. In spite of Haiti having to endure all three, the Trump administration ended TPS for Haitian holders in June 2025. The termination of Haitian TPS exposes the hypocrisy of the government through the fact that it betrays the U.S. commitment to protect vulnerable people, it contradicts the State Department's own assessment of Haiti, and it denies Haitians the transition period Nicaraguans received.


The U.S. first granted Haiti TPS in January 2010 after a 7.0-magnitude earthquake struck on January 12. The Obama administration's Department of Homeland Security (DHS) provided TPS for the Haitian migrants who were already in the US because the earthquake made it impossible for Haitians in the United States to return safely. Following the first designation of TPS for Haitians, many more administrations continued to extend TPS for Haitian holders due to many crises. Crisis followed crisis: a cholera outbreak, hurricanes, and a second major earthquake in August 2021, just weeks after Moïse's assassination. Each disaster displaced more Haitians and destroyed more infrastructure, so TPS gave those displaced people safety and stability. Crucially, Haitian TPS holders repaid that protection. They work in industries such as healthcare and contribute $5.8 billion to the U.S. economy and $1.5 billion in taxes . Ending TPS wastes that contribution and harms the industries that depend on their labor.


The policy's cost had fallen on real people. A TPS holder has spent years building a life: a work permit, a steady job, a lease, children in school. Termination replaces that stability with dread. In consequence, Holders must choose between deportation to a country controlled by armed gangs and life in the shadows in the only community they still have. Many fear for relatives in Haiti while they fear for themselves in the United States, and families face separation. For some, despair is fatal. CNN reported that a neuroscience student at Wright State University, a TPS holder, died by suicide after the DHS terminated his TPS status and required him to wear ankle monitors. The DHS's assessment of Haiti contradicts the DHS’ termination of TPS. In July 2026, the DHS classified Haiti as Level 4, "Do Not Travel," citing crime, kidnapping, terrorism, unrest, and limited health care. Additionally, Haiti has remained under a national state of emergency since March 2024. Still, DHS determined that Haiti no longer met the requirements for TPS. The government cannot tell Americans that Haiti is too dangerous to visit and tell Haitians that it is safe enough to live in. Until the United States explains what conditions must exist before it declares a return safe, TPS decisions will keep looking like politics dressed up as policy, and Haitians will keep paying for it.


Conditions in Haiti have worsened. In 2024, the United Nations reported that armed gangs controlled roughly 80 percent of Port-au-Prince and that almost half of Haiti's population faced severe hunger. Around 900 schools closed temporarily by the end of January 2024, which disrupted the education of about 200,000 children. Armed groups recruited children and spread beyond the capital, where they attacked homes, schools, and hospitals. William O'Neill, the UN Independent Expert on human rights in Haiti, urged DHS not to terminate TPS. He warned that "There is currently no possibility for a safe, dignified and sustainable return of Haitians who are abroad" and that "their country is much more dangerous than the one they fled".


The "T" in TPS stands for "temporary," but a crisis that lasts more than a decade forces a harder question: what should the United States do when the conditions that blocked a safe return never end? The case of TPS for Nicaraguans offers a useful comparison. Hurricane Mitch struck in 1998, killed approximately 2,500 people, affected nearly 868,000, and devastated homes, transportation, schools, hospitals, water systems, and agriculture. The U.S. granted Nicaragua TPS in January 1999 because the country could not receive and reintegrate its citizens. In 2017, DHS declared conditions improved and moved to terminate the designation, but courts challenged that decision in 2023 and extended it until July 2025. Nicaragua's TPS grew from a single disaster, and its holders received a transition period to arrange their affairs. Haiti's crisis has no single cause and no end date. Haitian holders received no comparable grace: DHS first scheduled termination for 2026, then moved it up a year.


As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the U.S. positions itself as a defender of vulnerable people and endorses the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect. Meanwhile, the government sends people back to a country DHS itself calls too dangerous to visit. DHS also forces Haitians to wear ankle monitors and treats refuge-seekers as criminals. Evidently, that treatment contradicts the country's stated mission. This creates an important question about how the United States determines when conditions in a country have improved enough for TPS to end. When a country remains unstable, violent, and in a humanitarian crisis, what justifies returning TPS holders?