Somaliland, Israel, and Geopolitics in the Horn of Africa
Since declaring independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has operated as a self-governing territory despite lacking official international recognition. Located in the Horn of Africa, Somaliland stands out as an African state largely successful in maintaining stability and democratic progress. It has held free elections since 2001, developing a multi-party system that sees regular turnovers of power amongst political parties. On Freedom House’s political rights and civil liberties index, Somaliland achieved the status of ‘partly free,’ one of only seven states to reach the ‘free’ category in Sub-Saharan Africa. By comparison, the same index categorized Somalia as ‘not free.’ After years of seeking international recognition, Somaliland’s independence was finally recognized by an official state: Israel. This was a surprising decision that has left onlookers skeptical about Israel’s underlying motives, yet it marks a significant step in Somaliland’s long-standing efforts towards sovereignty and international recognition.
As is true with many African states, Somaliland carries a colonial legacy that still impacts its modern dealings. Before its unification with greater Somalia in 1960, Somaliland operated as a protectorate ruled by the British. However, due to the British policy of indirect rule, Somaliland experienced a less exploitative colonial administration compared to many other African territories, allowing it to develop a stronger foundation of its modern state compared to other African nations. Despite this, issues quickly began to arise after Somaliland and Somalia merged into a single entity under Italian rule, most notably through the emergence of the Somali National Movement (SNM) in the 1980s. The SNM outwardly opposed Somali President Siad Barre, largely due to his government’s implementation of the Isaaq genocide– the systematic killings which occured in the Somaliland region, primarily made up of the Isaaq ethnic group. The genocide, which the Somali government allegedly referred to as ‘The Final Solution to the Isaaq Problem,’ deployed the Somali military to aerially bombard towns, destroy infrastructure, create man-made famines, impose economic blockades, and more. The genocide ended in 1991 when President Barre fled to Nigeria and the SNM declared Somaliland’s independence, denoting Hargeisa as the capital of the self-declared independent state.
The question of Somaliland’s independence has become increasingly controversial. Those who argue in favor of an independent Somaliland note that the region is predominantly inhabited by descendants of the Isaaq clan, an ethnic group distinct from the rest of Somalia. While claims of ethnic homogeneity do not constitute a legal basis for statehood, scholars often contend that Somalia has failed to create a national identity beyond clan associations. As such, ethnic nationalism has come to supersede Somali nationalism, fueling desires for a state that is tied to ethnic identity. Beyond arguments for independence tied to ethnicity, the Somaliland government consistently reaffirms that it has met the criteria to be regarded as a sovereign state: creating its own currency, issuing passports, and holding “free and fair” elections. Somaliland has also cited the norm established in the African Union of upholding colonial-era borders in order to prevent conflicts from arising over territorial disputes. The principle of customary international law, uti possidetis juris, states that postcolonial states must uphold their borders after achieving independence. Because Somaliland was defined by the British as an independent entity, some citizens argue that its previously defined borders should be upheld. Moreover, proponents of Somaliland’s freedom argue that they should not be forcibly tied to Somalia, a nation widely considered one of the most unstable in the world, when it has strived towards modern democracy and economic development. Still, Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, refuses to recognize Somaliland as independent, stating that an independent Somaliland undermines the sovereignty of the Somali state.
Until recently, international support for Somaliland’s freedom has been rather limited. Although many nations have established representative or consular offices in Hargeisa, Somaliland has largely failed to achieve diplomatic recognition. Scholars speculate that this is largely due to the international desire to avoid inspiring further independence movements across Africa. In the past half-century, only two African nations have seceded: Eritrea from Ethiopia and South Sudan from Sudan. Both instances sparked violent civil wars, setting the precedent that conflict accompanies secession movements, evidently worrying policymakers that an independent Somaliland would inevitably lead to armed conflict. Somaliland’s lack of international recognition can also be traced to global counter-terrorism efforts in Somalia, as some nations, particularly the U.S., believe the recognition of Somaliland will counteract efforts to cultivate stability and security in Somalia. Rather than risk a civil war or further diplomatic tensions in the region due to Somaliland independence, the U.S. has attempted to restore Somalia to a single, functioning state.
Due to this historic lack of diplomatic recognition, Israel becoming the first nation to recognize Somaliland in December 2025 has sparked global debate. As Israel continues its controversial involvement in Gaza, it requires allies in the Red Sea region to fight off Middle Eastern rebel groups fighting for Palestinian sovereignty. As such Israel’s motives have come under scrutiny. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu asserted that Somaliland’s “right of self-determination” was the rationale behind the decision. Many political analysts disagree, some citing Israel’s campaign against the Houthis, a Yemeni rebel group, as the true reason. For this campaign’s success, Israel would require allies in the Red Sea region to strike against the Houthis, and Somaliland’s geography makes it an ideal location for Israeli access to potential conflict zones. Since Israel’s recognition, the Houthis have stated that any Israeli occupation of Somaliland would be treated as a “military target,” seemingly threatening the use of direct force in response to any Israeli presence in the region.
The Houthi issue represents just one possible explanation of the rationale behind Israel’s diplomatic recognition of Somaliland. In late 2025, many media outlets reported that Israel had been in discussions with Hargeisa about the possibility of using Somaliland as a location to resettle Palestinians that had been displaced from Gaza. While Israel has not commented on such claims, Somaliland has publicly announced that there is no connection between Israel’s recognition and the issue of Palestine. Both Somalia and the Palestinian Authority disagree with this claim. In an address to Parliament, the Somali president stated that “Somalia will never accept the people of Palestine to be forcibly evicted from their rightful land to a faraway place.” Israel’s recognition of Somaliland has been condemned by a number of nations: Egypt, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, the African Union, Yemen, Sudan, Nigeria, Libya, Iran, Iraq, and Qatar. Ultimately, while Israel’s recognition undoubtedly strengthens Somaliland’s journey toward sovereignty, the timing and regional context suggest that the decision was more reflective of strategic interests rather than a principled commitment to uphold the right of self-determination.