The Successes and Shortcomings of Pentecostalism in Ethiopia

Secularization theory asserts that as societies modernize, they move away from the influence of religion. Political theory also tends to agree that modernization coincides with democratization. As theories of religion mix with industrialization, modernization, and broader political systems, one social variable may shift while the others remain unchanged, contrasting any correlation between faith and civil society. While numerous factors shape a nation’s changing religiosity, it can be valuable to analyze the role of strong religious engagement in a nation wrestling with issues across different sectors. Ethiopia acts as a case study as a country that maintains historical nuances such as post-colonial independence, regional conflict, autocracy, and civil strife as well as increased religiosity of an assertive faith. With a devoted Pentecostal Christian serving as Prime Minister, Ethiopia presents a case where Pentecostalism supports civic engagement and healthy democracy, while simultaneously revealing clear limits in its ability to mitigate structural political violence. 

Pentecostalism gained traction as a storefront church led by Willam Seymour in early 1900s Los Angeles. Similar to American evangelicalism, Pentecostalism is an expressive form of worship that involves spiritual dancing, speaking in tongues, and other outward displays of faith. Despite starting as a small place of worship, Pentecostalism has since become the fastest growing faith movement in the world, particularly in regions such as Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa where its emphasis on spiritual dynamism and personal transformation reflects the socioeconomic aspirations of many communities. In Planet of Slums, American scholar Mike Davis characterizes Pentecostalism as a “song of the dispossessed,” and a civil society organization that fills the void left by the retreat of the state. 

Pentecostalism originated in Ethiopia in the 1950s from Swedish and Finnish missionaries and gained momentum in the 1960s. Despite intense persecution under the Marxist Derg regime between 1974 and 1991, today, Pentecostalism accounts for nearly a quarter of the population. And, with the introduction of elections after the Derg regime, the rise of Pentecostalism has coincided with consistent voter turnout of over 80 percent every year. While the Ethiopian state after the Derg regime was autocratic, and elections were undemocratic, the high voter turnouts show how Ethiopians still value elections and democracy. The theory of correlation between democratic and pentecostal participation is outlined in David Maxwell’s argument in the chapter “Social Mobility and Politics in African Pentecostal Mobility” of Global Pentecostalism in the 21st Century. Maxwell supports his argument by stating that Pentecostalism empowers poorer communities to feel motivated to advocate for a better life, grants broader populations access to training in societal power structures, and promotes a strong sense of personal spiritual power that is interested in combatting unjust systems. Maxwell’s argument that Pentecostalism increases public motivation to engage in civil society applies to Ethiopia. However, Ethiopia shows how large religious groups fail to change autocratic political structures, heal longstanding ethnic wounds, and therefore create true democracy. 

Pentecostalism can be credited with contributing to high rates of democratic participation in Ethiopia, but shows limits in other sectors that support healthy democracy.  While voter turnout was high after the Derg Regime, there was still quasi-authoritarian rule under subsequent leadership. In this sector, religion cannot override flaws in political structure like the single party dominance of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front, repression, and other factors of weak governance commonly associated with post-colonial states. Pentecostalism fosters intense moral engagement which can be seen in Ethiopians willingness to vote. However, these mobilized citizens were not always institutionally equipped to translate civic engagement into structural political change. 

Furthermore, Pentecostalism has not achieved refuge or moral clarity for Ethiopians in a country afflicted by civil war. Most recently, The Tigray War, between the Ethiopian federal government and the Tigray’s People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) from 2020-2022 led to a death toll up to 600,000 and a severe displacement crisis. War crimes were committed by several actors including both the Ethiopian National Defense Force and Tigray’s People Liberation Front. Peace remains fragile to this day, with unresolved territorial disputes causing flashes of fighting between groups. The Tigray War occurred in the midst of Abiy Ahmed's term as Ethiopian Prime Minister. Abiy Ahmed, a devout Pentecostal, ran a campaign based on the medemer, a philosophy of nationhood, synergy, and forgiveness with rhetoric informed by  Pentecostal principles. Despite Ahmed’s dedication to faith-based rule, and winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for healing longstanding ethnic divisions, the Tigray War still occurred showing how dedication to Pentecostalism can fall short in addressing major factors in a healthy state.

While Pentecostalism preaches unity, and encourages individuals to engage with civil society, it alone cannot address deep-rooted flaws in political structures or broader conflicts. Pentecostalism is most likely to emerge strongest as a replacement for weak governments in unjust states like post-colonial Ethiopia, but cannot, on its own, produce meaningful and lasting solutions to entrenched issues afflicting the state.