How Africa’s Last Absolute Monarchy Has Left the Country in Last Place
On September 29, 2023, Eswatini held parliamentary elections to elect 59 new members to the lower level of parliament, the House of Assembly. However, what makes Eswatini unique is that it implements an absolute monarchy as its governmental structure, being the last of its kind in Africa and only one of a few remaining globally. King Mswati III has been reigning since 1986 and holds absolute power over the government and his people. This system has led to a variety of domestic and international issues, with essentially nonexistent political freedoms, a grindingly slow economy, and massive wealth disparities. Although King Mswati III does not seem inclined to give up power anytime soon, his continued rule of Eswatini exemplifies the impact of an absolute monarchy on a country.
Since gaining independence from Great Britain in 1968, Eswatini, formally known as Swaziland, has been under the absolute rule of the House of Dlamini. King Sobhuza II took the throne in 1921 and his son, King Mswati III, succeeded him in 1986. As king and absolute ruler, King Mswati III appoints the prime minister, the cabinet, and commands the military and police. The government formally banned political parties in 1973, owns all state-wide media, prohibits any criticism of the throne, and rules with decree over the 1.1 million Swazi population. This system has earned the kingdom a measly 17/100 on Freedom House’s Global Freedom Status, highlighting the nonexistent political rights and neglect of civil liberties. King Mswati III’s iron fist rule and lack of political reform have led to a range of domestic issues.
One of the clearest examples of the monarchy’s impact domestically is the absence of political freedoms throughout the country. Since the ban on political parties, members of the parliament cannot be associated with political groups, but rather are elected on “individual merit,” as written by the constitution. As a result, many who disagree with the throne are led to lay low, yet some groups are still nationally visible.
The People’s United Democratic Movement, the largest opposition party to the throne, runs on a policy of the “creation, protection and promotion of a constitutional multi-party democracy,” and has been active since 1983. However, in 2008, the government enacted the Suppression of Terrorism Act, resulting in the party being designated as a terrorist organization, a label that it continues to hold today.
Despite the threat of persecution, opposition leaders called for a boycott of the recent elections, understanding that the results were almost guaranteed even before the vote. Of the 51 men and eight women elected, all are expected to be mainly selected for advisory roles to the King. With the King’s stranglehold over the government, many of those elected are pro-monarchy. Those in government are prevented from criticizing the King as well.
Back in January 2023, Thulani Maseko, a leading anti-monarchy activist and lawyer, was murdered in his home in front of his family. Maseko had continually condemned the actions of the King, including the judicial system and the formal change of the country’s name in 2018, arguing that the money should have been spent on improving living conditions. The government denied any involvement in the crime, but others have spoken out in disagreement. Hopewell Chin’ono, a prominent Zimbabwean journalist, called out the murder of Maseko on X, formally known as Twitter, calling the killing “a chilling reminder of how the Corrupt political elites are prepared to do anything to shut down pro-democracy voices.”
The most recent elections are the first since opposition to the crown last bubbled over two years ago, resulting in deadly protests. Peaceful protests started over the mysterious death of a law student, an alleged victim of police brutality in May of 2021, which called for the end to police-based violence. Seen as insurrectionary, the Prime Minister quickly passed a sweeping ban on assembly a month later, triggering widespread violence and matched deadly force by police. By October, the death toll was nearly 100.
Many within the country have grown frustrated with the monarchy and pushes for a democratically elected government have spread. A survey given in early 2021 revealed that 59% of those surveyed believe the country needs a multi-party democracy, while more than 70% wanted the prime minister and other government officials to have greater accountability and oversight. Support for the King, meanwhile, has declined in recent years.
However, most of the discontent with the absence of democracy is motivated by the inaction of the King to stimulate the economy. Much of the domestic frustrations have stemmed from the lack of economic opportunity and extreme wealth disparities throughout the country. Around 59% of Swazi live below the national poverty line, defined as less than $1.9 per day, while the King, known for his dozens of wives, children, and opulent lifestyle, is estimated to be worth close to $200 million. Unemployment hovers around 33.3%, and with a weak educational system, Eswatini has struggled to pull labor out of the informal economy and into the creation of strong job opportunities.
Tighter economic policy and global supply shocks of food and transport costs from the Ukrainian war have caused sluggish economic growth and steady inflation levels. However, economists hope that revenue gained from participation in the South African Customs Union will help boost economic activity. Eswatini has received over 75 million in loans from the IMF and relies heavily on South Africa for imports of energy, transport, and over 80% of their electricity, worrying some about their security as any fluctuations in energy prices can have a sharp impact on their economy.
International aid for development has been sent to the tiny kingdom, yet accusations that the King has taken public funds for his own benefit have only furthered national frustrations with the monarchy. In 2019, the King purchased a fleet of over 75 new BMW sports cars and Rolls-Royces for “escort duties,” after freezing hiring in the public sector and publically remarking on the “daunting fiscal and economic challenges” the kingdom was struggling with. As far back as 2011, the IMF reported that the Swazi government had failed to provide over $10 million in grants to AIDS orphans and an additional $4 million to the elderly. With the government’s refusal to be bailed out to aid their economy, international organizations worried Eswatini’s financial state would continue to deteriorate.
Health issues have also stunted growth within the kingdom. Eswatini has consistently topped the list of countries with the highest HIV rates globally at around 26%, making it the leading cause of death in the country, and resulting in a significant population of orphaned children. And despite accomplishments such as successfully educating 90% of the HIV-positive population about their diagnosis following a CDC aid initiative in 2004, the prevalence and ease of spread of the disease still impacts the availability of the workforce. COVID-19 also reduced household spending in the economy, impacting economic growth as the disease spread. These factors combined with the tumultuous social unrest have only made the economic situation worse.
An anomaly in the region, Eswatini’s absolute monarchy has prevented accountability and change within the country. The lack of opportunities can almost be guaranteed to cause those wanting to emigrate from the country to do so, creating a future spiral of economic instability and downturn for the landlocked kingdom. It has become apparent that the Swazi population is increasingly frustrated by the lack of economic growth, wealth inequality, and undemocratic governance. And with the King unlikely to budge on his own, it’s only a question of when and how Swazis take change into their own hands.